The highest rate of handgun-related violence among reporting provinces was in Nova Scotia (16 per 100,000 population), followed by British Columbia (15 per 100,000).
Halifax (41 per 100,000 population) and Moncton (39 per 100,000 population) had the highest rates of firearm-related violent crime among census metropolitan areas (CMAs). Handguns tended to be more often involved in firearm-related violent crime in CMAs. In turn, non-CMA areas reported firearm-like weapons or unknown types of firearm as most common, followed by rifles or shotguns. More than 8 in 10 (82%) firearm-related violent offences in Toronto involved a handgun, the highest proportion among CMAs.
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Unions in Nova Scotia - 'Big Brother' taking over
Unions and collective bargaining have an influence on society that extends far beyond the collective bargaining table, where immediate decisions are made regarding compensation, working conditions, and other day-today features of work life. By providing a unique opportunity for democratic participation, unions demonstrably lift the degree of engagement and participation of their members in all spheres of life: the workplace, the community, and in political life more generally.
Unions provide the only consistent collective voice for working people, both in the workplace and more generally in society. They help to shape government laws and policies so that working people enjoy greater security and protection — and then they help to ensure that those laws are meaningfully enforced. International evidence indicates clearly that unions are positively associated with equality, inclusion, and participation. In this context, government policies which restrict union membership and collective bargaining opportunities will have
a broad negative influence: not just on particular workers who will as a result lose the ability to achieve better compensation and working conditions, but on the functioning of our entire society.
Unions provide the only consistent collective voice for working people, both in the workplace and more generally in society. They help to shape government laws and policies so that working people enjoy greater security and protection — and then they help to ensure that those laws are meaningfully enforced. International evidence indicates clearly that unions are positively associated with equality, inclusion, and participation. In this context, government policies which restrict union membership and collective bargaining opportunities will have
a broad negative influence: not just on particular workers who will as a result lose the ability to achieve better compensation and working conditions, but on the functioning of our entire society.
Over the decades, labour movements in Canada and many other countries have been front and centre in the fight for democratic freedoms and practices in society, as well as in the workplace. With the support of the labour movement, in 1972 Canada signed the ILO’s Convention 87, which recognizes freedom of association and the right of workers to organize unions as fundamental human rights. Labour rights are seen quite correctly as a key component of human rights — and trade unions have been the most determined and consistent defenders of these fundamental freedoms ever since, even in the face of repeated interventions by Canadian governments (federal and provincial) which limited or suspended these rights.
A recent report by the International Labour Organization (2008) found that higher rates of unionization tended to be associated with a stronger range of social rights beyond the workplace. Some of the dimensions of this broader social and democratic impact associated with stronger unions include progressive taxation, stronger income security programs, and stronger labour laws. Given the emphasis that unions in all countries place on campaigning
for social and economic policies that protect working people in all areas of their lives, this association between stronger unions and better social protections is not surprising.
A recent report by the International Labour Organization (2008) found that higher rates of unionization tended to be associated with a stronger range of social rights beyond the workplace. Some of the dimensions of this broader social and democratic impact associated with stronger unions include progressive taxation, stronger income security programs, and stronger labour laws. Given the emphasis that unions in all countries place on campaigning
for social and economic policies that protect working people in all areas of their lives, this association between stronger unions and better social protections is not surprising.
Across Canada unions historically led the fight for the eight-hour workday, better employment and labour standards, training and income support Unions and Democracy 11 for the unemployed, public pensions (including the Canada Pension Plan), workplace health and safety laws, minimum wages, services and benefits for injured workers, and parental and maternity benefits. In every case, these achievements have become common social rights extended to everyone, not only to union members. Thus unions serve as an important democratic voice for all working people. Without that voice (and the research, communications, and advocacy which unions can bring to bear on these issues), that forward progress in basic social and labour standards would not have been possible.
Art 2014
Health:increase was greatest for households in the lowest income quintile.
Trends in out-of-pocket health care expenditures in Canada, by household income, 1997 to 2009
Many Canadian households report expenditures on health care services and products that are not covered by public health plans. Regardless of the level of their household income, Canadians' out-of-pocket health care spending rose between 1997 and 2009. However, the increase was greatest for households in the lowest income quintile.
According to a new study in Health Reports, over this period, out-of-pocket spending on health care rose 63% for households in the lowest-income quintile. The increase for households in the higher income quintiles ranged from 36% to 48%.
In 2009, out-of-pocket health care spending by households in the top fifth of the income distribution averaged almost $3,000, compared with about $1,000 for households in the lowest fifth of the distribution.
However, as a percentage of after-tax income, spending was greatest for lower-income households. In 2009, out-of-pocket health care expenditures represented 5.7% of the total after-tax income of households at the lowest end of the income distribution, compared with 2.6% for households at the highest end.
Lower-income households were more likely than higher-income households to spend more than 5% of their after-tax income on health care services. In 2009, almost 40% of households in the two lowest income quintiles reported this level of out-of-pocket health care expenditures, compared with 14% of households at the top end of the income distribution.
Throughout the 1997-to-2009 period, the three largest components of out-of-pocket health care expenditures were dental services, prescription medications and insurance premiums. In 2009, household spending in these categories averaged $380 (dental), $320 (medications) and $650 (insurance premiums).
Spending on these components differed depending on household income. For example, in 2009, lower-income households spent more on prescription medications than did higher-income households. As well, the lowest-income households spent more on prescription medications than they did on insurance premiums or dental care. For higher-income households, insurance was the leading out-of-pocket health care spending category, followed by dental services.
Many Canadian households report expenditures on health care services and products that are not covered by public health plans. Regardless of the level of their household income, Canadians' out-of-pocket health care spending rose between 1997 and 2009. However, the increase was greatest for households in the lowest income quintile.
According to a new study in Health Reports, over this period, out-of-pocket spending on health care rose 63% for households in the lowest-income quintile. The increase for households in the higher income quintiles ranged from 36% to 48%.
In 2009, out-of-pocket health care spending by households in the top fifth of the income distribution averaged almost $3,000, compared with about $1,000 for households in the lowest fifth of the distribution.
However, as a percentage of after-tax income, spending was greatest for lower-income households. In 2009, out-of-pocket health care expenditures represented 5.7% of the total after-tax income of households at the lowest end of the income distribution, compared with 2.6% for households at the highest end.
Lower-income households were more likely than higher-income households to spend more than 5% of their after-tax income on health care services. In 2009, almost 40% of households in the two lowest income quintiles reported this level of out-of-pocket health care expenditures, compared with 14% of households at the top end of the income distribution.
Throughout the 1997-to-2009 period, the three largest components of out-of-pocket health care expenditures were dental services, prescription medications and insurance premiums. In 2009, household spending in these categories averaged $380 (dental), $320 (medications) and $650 (insurance premiums).
Spending on these components differed depending on household income. For example, in 2009, lower-income households spent more on prescription medications than did higher-income households. As well, the lowest-income households spent more on prescription medications than they did on insurance premiums or dental care. For higher-income households, insurance was the leading out-of-pocket health care spending category, followed by dental services.