That the federal government will miss its self-imposed, once-revised,
entirely arbitrary end-of-year deadline of resettling 10,000 Syrian
refugees is no extraordinary revelation: an incumbent government would
have had difficulty relocating that many people in such a relatively
short amount of time, to say nothing of one hobbled by the bureaucratic
challenges of only having been in office for eight weeks.
Still, up until the last week of November, the Liberals
remained defiantly committed to their plainly unfeasible pledge to
welcome 25,000 Syrian refugees by year’s end, relying ostensibly on
power of positive thinking and other mantras to which the public was not
privy. Then, Immigration Minister John McCallum conceded that the
initial target might have been a bit too ambitious, and he announced in a
press conference that the goal would be revised to welcome 10,000
Syrian refugees by year’s end, and another 15,000 by the end of
February.
That was then. This is now: on Wednesday McCallum, said that Ottawa
might fall short of reaching that revised target, attributing the delay
to factors including weather complications and the variability of “human
nature.” Though Canada likely wouldn’t see 10,000 refugees by Dec. 31,
McCallum said, he was still confident that it would bring in a total of
25,000 people by the end of February. As of December 21, 1,869 Syrian
refugees had landed in Canada.
Predictably, this shifting of the goalposts has provoked chiding from
Conservative benches, but the fault here isn’t that the Liberals broke
another promise, or that they couldn’t make their expedited mass
migration plan happen. Rather, it’s that the government insists on
setting such silly, quixotic targets in the first place, with seemingly
little regard for feasibility, associated costs or reception from
ordinary Canadians.
Indeed, there’s a burgeoning optics problem here. What Canadians have
heard from the government over the last couple of months is a fixation
on a target number of refugees arriving in Canada by a certain time.
What they’re reading, however, is that the government is expected to
spend $61 million to $77 million on hotel stays for new refugees, and
that it will reimburse up to $61 per day per refugee for hotel meals.
For the average Canadian — who, according to Statistics Canada, spent
roughly $22 per household per day on food in 2013 — those
figures are astonishingly inflated. Canadians are thus left to wonder
what the costs might have been had the government not been so
preoccupied by its wholly arbitrary deadline, and instead tried to
balance the need for expediency with the responsibility to control
ballooning expenses. Surely, in that aspirational case, $15 hotel
breakfasts would not have been part of the plan.
The fixation on numbers and deadlines also seems to overlook the fact
that moving refugees is not quite the same as shipping crude oil:
refugees have personal belongings, assets, friends, families they have
to leave behind behind. They have legitimate, very human reservations
about moving to a place they know little about, and hold out hope —
however baseless — that the fighting in Syria will soon end and they’ll
be able to return home. That is why it was also no extraordinary
revelation that only 6.3 per cent of refugees contacted by the United
Nations in late November said they were interested in coming to Canada,
especially when, according to CBC News, some refugees have only been
given two or three days notice before being shipped to a totally foreign
land.
Canada might have wanted to welcome 25,000, then 10,000, Syrian
refugees by year’s end, but Ottawa quickly realized that refugees aren’t
mere hapless entities — especially not those who are actually able to
escape the fighting and make it to a refugee camp. They can’t be
expected to move at will to fulfil a campaign promise 10,000 kilometres
away.
It doesn’t matter that the Liberals are breaking another promise: it
matters that they’re latching themselves to these dumb promises in the
first place, and that they then refuse to concede their impracticality.
The same stubbornness is playing out with the Liberals’ pledge to
withdraw Canada’s CF-18 fighter jets from Syria and Iraq, which the
Canadian government stands by, for now, for a reason that still isn’t
entirely clear, other than that it was a campaign promise. Eventually
though, team Trudeau will have to acknowledge that campaign promises
don’t always make for the best policies. That, or it will have to start
writing its targets in pencil instead of pen and shelling out for
overpriced hotel meals.